The indictment of soccer officials and marketing and TV executives Wednesday alleges 12 schemes:
SCHEME A — 1993, 1995 AND 1997 COPA AMERICAS
Traffic Brazil purchased rights for the three tournaments in a deal worth $6.6 million. Nicolas Leoz of Paraguay, then president of the South American governing body CONMEBOL and later a FIFA executive committee member, refused to sign the contract until he received a dollar payment in six figures. In 1993 and 1995, Leoz demanded additional payments starting in 1993 or 1995 for future Copa America tournaments, and payments increased over time to seven figures. In 2007, the year Venezuela hosted the tournament, the country’s soccer federation president, Rafael Esquivel, demanded and received $1 million and $700,000 payments from Traffic.
SCHEME B — CONCACAF GOLD CUP
Traffic Sports USA caused hundreds of thousands in payments to be made to Jack Warner, then president of the Confederation of North, Central America and Caribbean Association Football (CONCACAF), and co-conspirator No. 1, whose description matches that of then-CONCACAF General Secretary Chuck Blazer.
SCHEME C — COPA LIBERTADORES
Starting around the early 2000s, Leoz asked for payments from a sports marketing company and for diversion of payments slated to go to CONMEBOL in exchange for support of that company in a marketing deal. Leoz asked in February and May 2006 for more than $2 million owed to CONMEBOL by an affiliate of that company to be sent to Leoz’s accounts in Paraguay and Switzerland. Leoz asked for additional payments around 2008.
SCHEME D — COPA DO BRAZIL
Jose Maria Marin, then president of Brazilian soccer’s governing body, requested bribe payments in 2012 as part of Traffic Brazil and an unidentified sports marketing company’s contract for the Copa do Brazil for 2013-22. The bribe payments, which totalled 2 million reals (approximately $986,000), were split among Marin and two unidentified people.
SCHEME E — BRAZILIAN FEDERATION EQUIPMENT SUPPLIER
The Confederacao Brasileira de Desportos, the governing body of Brazilian soccer, announced a 10-year sponsorship and endorsement agreement with Nike in 1996 that made the company the exclusive jersey and equipment supplier to the federation, including the national team. Nike’s deal called for it to pay the CBF $160 million, of which the CBF gave a percentage to Traffic Brazil. Nike then agreed to pay a Traffic affiliate with a Swiss bank account an additional $40 million.
SCHEME F — 2002, 2006, 2010 and 2014 World Cup QUALIFIERS IN THE CARIBBREAN
Warner was also president of the Caribbean Football Union and a special adviser to the Trinidad and Tobago Football Federation. Traffic USA bought rights to Caribbean home World Cup qualifiers from CFU, then bought the rights to Trinidad’s home qualifiers, which it already owned, from the TTFA. Traffic USA then diverted payments to a Warner-controlled account. In one of the examples, for 2006 World Cup qualifiers, Traffic USA paid the CFU $900,000, then agreed to pay the TTFA $800,000 for rights it already owned and wired the money to an account in Trinidad and Tobago that Warner controlled. For the 2010 World Cup, Traffic USA paid the CFU $2.2 million, then paid Warner-controlled accounts $800,000 for the same rights.
SCHEME G — 2010 WORLD CUP VOTES
In the early 2000s, Warner directed co-conspirator No. 14, identified as a member of his family, to pick up a briefcase with “bundles of U.S. currency in $10,000 stacks in a hotel room” from co-conspirator No. 15, identified as a high-ranking South African bid committee official. Before the vote for 2010 host, Warner travelled to Morocco and was offered a $1 million payment by a representative of its bid committee in exchange for his vote. Before the vote, co-conspirator No. 1 (who appears to be Blazer) understood a proposed $10 million payment was to be made to the CFU for the votes of himself, Warner and co-conspirator No. 17. South Africa was voted the 2010 host in May 2004. In January and March of 2008, $10 million in payments were made from a FIFA account in Switzerland to a Bank of America account in New York for credit to an account in the names of CFU and CONCACAF and controlled by Warner at Republic Bank in Trinidad and Tobago. In the following three years, Warner made three payments to co-conspirator No. 1 totalling $750,000.
SCHEME H — CENTRAL AMERICAN WORLD CUP QUALIFIERS
Eduardo Li, then president of Costa Rican soccer’s governing body, in 2009 asked for a six-figure bribe from Traffic USA as part of an agreement for rights for Costa Rica’s home qualifiers for the 2018 World Cup, a deal worth $2.55 million to $3 million, depending on the team’s success. The request was made to co-conspirator No. 4, whose description matches that of Enrique Sanz, who was a Traffic USA vice-president before becoming CONCACAF general secretary in July 2012. Julio Rocha, then president of Nicaraguan soccer’s governing body and later a FIFA development officer, around 2011 also asked for a six-figure bribe from Traffic USA as part of an agreement for rights for Nicaragua’s home qualifiers for the 2018 World Cup, a deal worth $1,138,000 to $1,288,000, depending on the team’s success. During the time co-conspirator No. 4 negotiated on behalf of Traffic USA, bribes were paid to at least two other Central American soccer federation presidents.
SCHEME I — 2011 ELECTION FOR FIFA PRESIDENT
At a meeting in Trinidad and Tobago in May 2011 arranged by Warner, CFU staff gave officials envelopes each containing $40,000 and told them the money came from co-conspirator No. 7, whose description matches that of Mohamed bin Hammam at Qatar, then president of the Asian Football Confederation. At the time, bin Hammam was running for FIFA president in opposition to Sepp Blatter, who has served as president since 1998. After the payments became public and Warner resigned his soccer positions, on July 14, 2011 co-conspirator No. 7 caused $1,211,980 to be wired from an account he controlled in Qatar to a Citibank account for credit to Warner’s account at Intercommercial Bank in Trinidad and Tobago.
SCHEME J — CARIBBEAN WORLD CUP QUALIFIERS 2
Costas Takkas, an associate of Cayman Islands soccer federation president Jeffrey Webb, solicited a $3 million bribe from Traffic USA as part of a $23 million CFU deal for rights to Caribbean qualifiers for 2018 and 2022 World Cups. Webb had been elected CONCACAF president in May 2012. Co-conspirator No. 4 (who appears to be Sanz) participated in negotiations, and payments were made through entities controlled by Takkas. Some of the payments were transferred to United Community Bank in Blairsville, Georgia, in the account of a contractor who was building a swimming pool at Webb’s residence in Loganville, Georgia.
SCHEME K — CONCACAF GOLD CUP AND CHAMPIONS LEAGUE
Co-conspirator No. 4 (who appears to be Sanz) negotiated a $15.5 million deal on behalf of CONCACAF with Traffic USA in November 2012 for rights to the 2013 Gold Cup and 2013-14 and 2014-15 Champions Leagues. Co-conspirator No. 4 solicited a $1.1 million bribe that was agreed to by Aaron Davidson, an executive of Traffic Sports USA, and co-conspirator No. 2, the founder of Brazil-based Traffic Group. CONCACAF and Traffic USA agreed on Nov. 15, 2013, to a $60 million deal for the 2015, 2017, 2019 and 2021 Gold Cups, and six seasons of Champions Leagues through 2021-22. The parties agreed to a $2 million bribe for Webb.
SCHEME L — COPA AMERICA CENTENARIO
Prosecutors said CONMEBOL reached an agreement in 2013 with a new company, Datisa, on a $240 million contract for rights to the Copa America in 2015, 2019 and 2023, and the following year to a $112.5 million deal for the 2016 Copa America Centenario in the U.S. As part of the deals, prosecutors said Datisa agreed to pay $110 million in bribes to South American soccer officials.